From The Republic
As Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo prepares to hand power to his son, Teodorín, a gas boom and fears of Chinese expansion are turning Equatorial Guinea’s notorious heir from international pariah into a partner welcomed in Washington and Texas.
Equatorial Guinea was a petro-state before it had pumped a single barrel. When independence from Spain arrived in October 1968, Spanish-American consortiums had already spent a decade and a billion pesetas probing the shallow waters of the Bight of Biafra and the Bay of Corisco. Everyone in its politics—President Francisco Macías Nguema, the ambassadors, concession hunters and coup plotters—read the price of crude as a barometer for interest in the political future of the country. The quadrupling of oil prices after the Yom Kippur War of 1973 and the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) embargo, from $3 a barrel in October 1973 to $11.20 by April 1974, inflated the offshore expectations to which President Francisco Macías Nguema clung as his cacao economy collapsed; signing bonuses and speculative permit fees were among the last dollars his treasury could attract. The Iranian revolution in early 1979 then tripled oil prices again, toward $40, and amid that second surge, in August 1979, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo—Macías’s clan nephew and military governor of Bioko Island—deposed and executed him. Obiang has ruled ever since and is currently the longest-serving president in the world.
Equatorial Guinea’s economic story is a study in extreme volatility. Touted at independence in 1968 as one of the most prosperous countries in Africa due to its thriving cocoa industry, its economy halved over the 1970s, then multiplied twentyfold during the oil boom of the 2000s. The boom kickstarted in 1995, when ExxonMobil’s Zafiro field turned the first drops into a flood. The regime sold itself in that decade as the ‘Kuwait of Africa’, a branding campaign aimed at the American public in the hope that a small, oil-rich family state would be received like Emirati royalty. Critics turned the nickname against Obiang, with exiles calling him the ‘Emir of Malabo’ or simply ‘the Satrap’, a reference to the ostentatious provincial governors of the Achaemenid Empire. The numbers briefly sustained the fantasy—at $20,582 in GDP per capita, the twentyfold rise in GDP between 2000 and 2013 made Equatorial Guinea Africa’s richest country on a per capita basis—until the 2014 price collapse tipped it into a decade-long economic recession.
Twice, then, a price shock born in the Middle East has marked a change of reign in Malabo. As the octogenarian President Obiang prepares to hand power to his son—Vice-President Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, the notorious scion and bon vivant known universally as Teodorín—it is tempting to ask whether the ongoing ripple from the war in West Asia, or the Middle East, will strengthen or finally end Africa’s longest-ruling regime. Analysts have long wagered that dwindling oil reserves and low prices would force instability, or at least a reform away from Nguemismo. However, the opposite is more likely: a liquefied natural gas boom is bankrolling the dynasty’s third act and Washington, which once prosecuted Teodorín for corruption, embezzlement and money laundering, decided to underwrite it under a settlement agreement with the Department of Justice. The United States had shunned the regime after the 2004 Riggs Bank scandal, which exposed Equatorial Guinea as the Washington-based bank’s largest single client. Under the Barack Obama administration, the US Department of Justice’s Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative seized Teodorín’s Malibu mansion, a Ferrari and Michael Jackson memorabilia—unprecedented in targeting the son of a sitting head of state. Now, with the spectre of Chinese naval ambitions in the Atlantic, the same establishment has its rationale for turning a prosecuted regime into a quiet partner.
Enrique Martino is a professor at the Complutense University of Madrid with a PhD from the Humboldt University of Berlin. He is currently a junior fellow at the Freiburg Institute for Advanced Studies (FRIAS), University of Freiburg, Germany.
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