Last November, Kamel Daoud, an Algerian-French author and conservative columnist, received the esteemed Goncourt Prize in Paris for his novel “Houris.” This work, published by the prominent French publisher Gallimard, presents a rather unsatisfactory portrayal of the Algerian civil war.
In a different context, this event might have been commemorated in both Algeria and France. As it was, prominent French commentators enthusiastically praised Kamel Daoud for receiving France’s highest literary award, while numerous Algerians voiced their discontent, particularly on social media platforms.
The intensity of the responses can be attributed to various factors, such as the prevailing global political environment, the unequal dynamics between Algeria and France, the marginalised historical narrative of the Algerian diaspora in France, and, importantly, the recent shift towards right-wing radicalization exhibited by Kamel Daoud through his embrace of francization.
Reciprocal Blindness
The attack orchestrated by Hamas on October 7th, coupled with the horrific Israeli retaliation against Palestinian civilians, has undeniably exacerbated an already troubling climate within French society. This situation is particularly significant given that France hosts the third-largest Jewish community globally, as well as the largest Muslim population in Europe.
The common narratives and unacknowledged desires surrounding these varied groups, frequently antagonised by reactionary figures, are significantly shaped by two historical injustices carried out by the French authorities: the systematic persecution of Jews during World War II and the domination of Algerians during the colonial period. These inexcusable offenses, perpetrated by a proactive minority, would not have been possible without the passive acceptance or active complicity of the majority.
The political upheaval resulting from the ascendance of far-right groups in the European elections, along with the dissolution of the National Assembly last June, has triggered an extraordinary increase in bigotry aimed at Algerians, Arabs, and Muslims. For French racists, obsessed with the xenophobic “great replacement” narrative, these three identities are often confused.
At the same time, a new surge of animosity towards Jews illuminated the existing rifts within the French political arena. The far-right party known as the “National Rally,” headed by Marine Le Pen, aimed to rebrand itself as the principal guardian of Jewish communities and a dependable supporter of Israel, thereby attempting to obscure the deep-rooted Judeophobia of its political heritage.
In contrast, Jean-Luc Mélenchon stated last June that “antisemitism remains residual in France.” The leader of the left-wing party “France Unbowed” not only rejected the charge of “electoral clientelism among Muslims” but also accused his centrist and right-wing rivals of perpetuating an “Islamophobic, anti-Arab, and colonialist clientelism.”
The left-right dichotomy, further entrenched by electoral dynamics and propaganda, fosters a troubling divide between those who solely emphasise Judeophobia and those who focus on Muslimophobia. The late sociologist Pierre Bourdieu characterised this issue as “reciprocal blindness,” which permeates “all social struggles for truth.”
In the context in which Manichean perspectives linked to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are hegemonic, and reflected in a polarised French society, Kamel Daoud was more likely to garner backing from established pro-Israeli entities than from pro-Palestinian groups. This illustrates how Algerians, to achieve success in France, must navigate complex socio-political dynamics.
Special Relationship
The awarding of Kamel Daoud coincided with a particularly tense backdrop concerning the “special relationship” between Algeria and France. Tensions had escalated after French President Emmanuel Macron recognised Moroccan sovereignty over the contested region of Western Sahara, prompting Algeria to recall its ambassador from France last July.
Over the past several decades, Algerian authorities have consistently backed the Polisario Front, advocating for the right of the Sahrawi people to self-determination in direct opposition to Morocco’s territorial claims. This local Cold War, however, extends beyond North Africa, as France, the former colonial power, assumes the role of a partial mediator in the conflict.
Thus, the French initiative compelled Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune to postpone his official trip to Paris, interpreting it as another humiliation. In a national media interview last October, he accused France of engaging in “genocide” during its colonial governance and remarked that “Algeria was selected for the great replacement.”
On November 1st, Algeria commemorated the seventieth anniversary of the anticolonial uprising initiated in 1954 by the National Liberation Front, culminating in 1962 with the (temporary) elation of independence. This event marked the conclusion of a period characterised by widespread crimes, injustices, and racism affecting the majority of the population. Memories of this tumultuous history continue to influence the nature of this “special relationship.”
Just three days after a notable military parade in the streets of Algiers, which underscored the authoritarian tendencies of the postcolonial regime, Kamel Daoud was honored with the Goncourt Prize. His achievement makes him the first writer of Algerian heritage to attain this prestigious award, founded in 1903. This event should be viewed as a deliberate exercise of France’s soft power.
In light of the ongoing tensions between Algiers and Paris and notwithstanding Kamel Daoud’s contentious remarks, the French establishment’s capacity to embrace, support, and honor a prominent novelist of Algerian origin serves to illustrate its own power, thereby appealing to a bruised national identity. Concurrently, French cultural institutions convey a contradictory message to their former colonies.
“Houris” predominantly centers on the Algerian civil war, which saw a confrontation between pro-government forces and Islamist insurgents during the 1990s. Kamel Daoud’s thematic focus does not revolve around the anticolonial revolution. Additionally, his latest literary work fosters an artificial contention between these two distinct historical narratives, which resonates with French conservatives.
Double Absence
France is home to the largest Algerian community outside of Algeria. Additionally, the Algerian diaspora constitutes the most substantial foreign demographic within France. This group, which has established itself in Europe since the late nineteenth century, is very varied in status:: a significant number hold dual nationality, others possess only Algerian citizenship, while a minority remain undocumented.
Despite their distinct social statuses, they are all touched, whether by choice or circumstance, by elements of imperial nostalgia, anti-immigrant sentiments, working-class backgrounds, anti-Muslim views, and contentious aspects of gender or sexuality. The “Algerian question” is a vital framework for culture wars in France.
In the context of ongoing controversies surrounding identity and migration, Algerians residing in France often find themselves as targets of right-wing animosity rather than recipients of left-wing optimism. This predicament can be attributed, in part, to the inconsistent stance of the French left towards the Algerian diaspora, which oscillates between acceptance and skepticism.
The paradoxical views held towards Algerians in France are deeply embedded in the contradictions that characterise the migrant condition. The late sociologist Abdelmalek Sayad explored the idea of “double absence” in relation to Algerian migrants during the previous century, highlighting their absence from both their homeland and the host country where they are often marginalised.
This prevailing negative viewpoint has faced opposition from advocates of the “double presence,” who highlight the rising prominence of dual nationals. Following France’s triumph in the 1998 soccer World Cup, mainstream elites lauded the country as a model of multiculturalism. The team, under the leadership of Zinedine Zidane, who grew up in an Algerian family, represented a society that was increasingly multiethnic. Nevertheless, the enthusiasm surrounding this achievement was not sustained over time.
Three weeks following the September 11 attacks, a soccer match took place in Saint-Denis between France and Algeria. During this event, a significant number of dual nationals expressed their discontent by booing and whistling during the French national anthem. Subsequently, some individuals entered the field, leading to a suspension of the game. French journalists and politicians used this incident to highlight what they perceived as the “failure” of multiculturalism, citing the “hostility” of Algerians or Muslims as a contributing element.
Weaponizing Diversity
Bruno Retailleau, the present Minister of the Interior and a member of the right-wing party “The Republicans,” swiftly identified his main area of concern upon taking office: immigration, particularly from Algeria. During an interview conducted last September, he conveyed his reservations about the viability of a “multicultural society,” positing that it could potentially transform into a “multiracist society,” a notion that resonates with far-right discourse.
In a speech delivered four days earlier, Gerald Darmanin, the former Minister of the Interior and current Minister of Justice, made a striking remark: “It’s quite clear that if my name had been Moussa Darmanin, I wouldn’t have been elected mayor and member of parliament, and I probably wouldn’t have been appointed Minister of the Interior in the first place.” This comment served as a reflection on his Algerian ancestry. His grandfather, Moussa Ouakid, fought for the French military during World War II and maintained allegiance to France instead of endorsing the Algerian cause.
The remarks made in the speech sparked significant discontent among the Algerian diaspora. It seemed that Gerald Moussa Darmanin, known for his stringent policies on immigration and security during his four years in office, only acknowledged the presence of racism in France at the moment of his exit.
Coincidentally, Moussa is also the name of the character that propelled Kamel Daoud to global recognition with his novel The Meursault Investigation. This book, first released by Barzakh in Algiers in 2013, reinterprets Albert Camus’ renowned work The Outsider from a postcolonial viewpoint, narrated through the eyes of Moussa, the sibling of “the Arab,” who was killed by Meursault on the beach.
The success achieved by Kamel Daoud enhanced his international profile, which, however, resulted in a process of right-wing francization. He ceased his daily column in the Algerian newspaper Le Quotidien d’Oran to dedicate his efforts to a recent collaboration with the conservative weekly Le Point. After navigating various controversies and securing French citizenship, the ambitious author made his home in Paris, where he continued his right-wing radicalization, paralleling the paths of many intellectuals aligned with Emmanuel Macron.
In 2017, Emmanuel Macron was elected President with a pledge to move beyond the entrenched left-right political spectrum, to recognise colonization as a “crime against humanity,” and to champion diversity. Most of these pledges were not realised, with the exception of the promotion of diversity. The Macronist establishment did indeed endorse diversity, but this endorsement served primarily as a mechanism to support a neoliberal agenda that undermined social justice and fostered a nationalist climate unwelcoming to “unwanted” migration.
In contrast to Zinedine Zidane, who represented a vibrant and multicultural France during the late 1990s, Kamel Daoud articulates the aggressiveness exhibited by conservative elements and the misguided beliefs of liberals in the present day. These factions perilously manipulate the concept of diversity in a fractured nation, where the Algerian diaspora continues to be unfairly scapegoated, aided by the complicity of certain members from within their own community.
French Culture Wars
There are various reasons for Algerians in France to feel a sense of anger. The arrest of Boualem Sansal, a French-Algerian writer, in Algiers last November—following his provocative interview with the French far-right media Frontières—has intensified an already charged environment. The prominent campaign advocating for his release, initiated by conservative intellectuals and political figures, underscores the persistent hypocrisy of France concerning the Algerian question.
Undoubtedly, the right to liberty should be preserved for all; nonetheless, Boualem Sansal is not the “Enlightenment man” his right-wing supporters claim him to be. These advocates continuously malign various groups—such as Algerians, Muslims, Arabs, migrants, “decolonial” intellectuals, “woke” activists, and “Islamo-leftist” scholars—under the pretext of upholding “Republican values” and the “Judeo-Christian civilization,” depicting them as if they posed an internal threat to the French nation.
Various commentators have recently been sharing their perspectives on what they term the “end of the crisis” between Algeria and France. These analysts often overlook the internal French dynamics contributing to the current tensions and frequently fail to recognise that the hostile rhetoric directed at Algeria, its citizens, and their descendants has been a pivotal element of the French culture wars for many years, from the colonial era to the present day.
Therefore, the events that have transpired over the last few months are not coincidental and should serve as a cautionary signal not only to Algerians but also to everyone committed to safeguarding democratic liberties and social rights. A considerable segment of the French elite articulates their racism under the guise of opposing “Islamism” or criticizing the Algerian “regime.” By exploiting the fear of a potential “civil war,” they are effectively laying the groundwork for societal fragmentation.
Although anger is a legitimate feeling, it is crucial to foster resistance in France, across Europe and beyond. Resignation is not an option.
Nedjib Sidi Moussa holds a PhD in political science and is a teacher and author of 6 books, including ‘Histoire algérienne de la France’ & ‘Algérie, une autre histoire de l’indépendance’.